Poppy protection

A few years ago, a criminal case involving opiates made headlines throughout Belarus. Twenty-nine people were sentenced to prison terms ranging from three to 14 years for selling these drugs.

Buro journalists obtained and analysed 80 volumes of criminal case files. We discovered proof that law enforcement officials had been protecting the drug trade for years. During the interrogations, the names of the "patrons" were mentioned, along with the "protection" fee range. However, this information was ignored by the investigation. Consequently, none of the law enforcement officers identified by the defendants were punished. The vast majority of them pursued careers in law enforcement.

Furthermore, we discovered evidence of falsification in the criminal case involving Nikolai Karpenkov, the current Deputy Interior Minister of Belarus.

In this investigation, we will describe the empire of opium drug distribution, the role of law enforcement in it, and they way one obtains high-level positions in modern-day Belarus.

A CAREER MAN WITH A BATON

Nikolai Karpenkov had a bleak start to the year 2020.

Nikolai Karpenkov. Source: sb.by

The man at the helm of the primary division tasked with combating organised crime and corruption (GUBOPiK) was on the verge of resigning. This was not voluntary. His contract was about to expire, and the top brass were not in a hurry to extend it. In a desperate attempt, he even resorted to visiting private firms in Minsk, pleading for a position in the security services.

For Karpenkov, a relentless law enforcer and inveterate careerist, it was a profound humiliation. He didn't want to just walk off the course like that. He would have stepped over anyone if there was even the slightest chance to stay in the agency. And the opportunity came up.

Protests erupted across Belarus in August 2020 after the presidential election. People demanded a review of the results because everything pointed to falsification. This surge of civic activity was unprecedented for the country. At first, the security chiefs were confused, but not Karpenkov.

Under his leadership, the GUBOPiK began dispersing protesters with ostentatious cruelty. They were detained, beaten, and tortured. Karpenkov did not hide behind his subordinates' backs; on the contrary, he rushed to the front.

On his birthday, September 6, he and his fellow soldiers smashed the windows of the Minsk café O'Petit with batons. Protesters were hiding inside from the police.

Nikolai Karpenkov smashes the windows of the Minsk café, O'Petit. Source: people.onliner.by

Even those accustomed to police brutality were shocked by the video of the incident that went viral on social media. You don't often see a high-ranking executive run amok.

This impressed Aleksandr Lukashenko as well. He did more than just extend Karpenkov's contract; he sent him for promotion, appointing him Deputy Interior Minister.

Karpenkov had shown his ability to seize the moment cleverly on previous occasions. Even before the protests began, he had already demonstrated his willingness to fight for his career.

OPIUM AFFAIRS

Before joining the GUBOPiK, Nikolai Karpenkov was head of the Drug Control Department. In this post, he publicly declared war on the "seeds". This term was used to describe poppy seeds that had been contaminated with narcotic substances.

"Seeds" arrived in Belarus in the early 2000s, and by 2014, they accounted for around 60% of the entire banned substances market, reaching 85% in some regions.

The drug's popularity was due to a loophole in the law. The poppy seeds themselves were not considered to be psychotropic. However, the poppy straw with which they were contaminated was included on Belarus's list of dangerous narcotic drugs, meaning criminalisation. Drug dealers exploited this contradiction. If they were caught with "dirty" poppies, they could claim that they were working with a food product, not a drug. An examination was necessary to confirm the presence of poppy straw in the seeds. However, even after that, it was difficult to prove someone's evil intentions if they were caught red-handed because poppies could still contain a small amount of straw even after cleaning.

Knowing this, drug traffickers supplied seeds with low levels of impurities. To obtain sufficient quantities of opium, buyers bought vast quantities of seeds. The most severe penalty that the dealers could face for this was a fine for illegal business activities.

Karpenkov has often highlighted this problem in interviews, promising to solve it once and for all. Following extensive consultations, he did indeed "push through" a special decree that the media dubbed the "anti-poppy" decree. Lukashenko signed it in January 2014.

The document granted the state a monopoly over the wholesale trade of poppy seeds. They could now only be sold by legal entities selected by the Council of Ministers after undergoing thermal treatment and being packaged in quantities of no more than 200 grams. The aim was to stop the drug from being recovered from "dirty" seeds.

However, the decree failed to address the most critical issue: criminal liability for trafficking of seeds. This would contradict the UN convention stating that poppy seeds cannot be classified as a drug. Consequently, the penalty for breaching the ordinance was a heavy fine and seizure of the vehicle.

Nevertheless, in an interview with BelTA, Karpenkov insisted on the effectiveness of the approved document:

Seed sales indeed declined soon afterwards. Except that Karpenkov had little credit for it. By the time the decree took effect, seeds had lost popularity and were being replaced by new drugs. A former high-level case investigator explained this to Buro:

Consequently, the number of people using drugs in Belarus increased even further after the decree was adopted. It was all because Karpenkov was fighting a dying market segment rather than an actual threat. However, this only became clear from a distance. At the time, however, Karpenkov's impressive seed trade fight stats were enough to secure his place. A few months after the "anti-poppy decree" was adopted, he was appointed head of the GUBOPiK.

A SINKING SHIP

When Karpenkov arrived, GUBOPiK was considered an elite unit. Only law enforcers at the highest rank – major and above – were accepted, even though everyone dreamed of joining the force. It was an honour to be in charge of such a structure. Many people were annoyed by it, though, according to Aliaksandr Azarau, a former GUBOPiK employee who later became head of BYPOL, an association of former Belarusian law enforcers:

The clandestine struggle intensified in 2014 when Russia dissolved the RUBOP, a counterpart to the GUBOPiK. Taking inspiration from their Russian colleagues, the Belarusian law enforcers launched a raid on Karpenkov's unit, conducting inspections. The rationale was that it was duplicating the work of other agencies. The Interior Ministry's Department for Combating Economic Crimes investigated corruption, the Border Committee investigated illegal migration, and the KGB investigated extremism. As a result, the GUBOPiK was on the verge of liquidation.

It was a real blow for Karpenkov. He had just achieved a new career high and was determined not to fall back. To save his position, he became embroiled in the power struggle: he started preparing reports on the effectiveness of the GUBOPiK and bombarded his superiors with them. It did not produce the desired results. Then Karpenkov bucked the odds – he started inflating the statistics.

That manoeuvre didn't work either. The prospect of the prestigious service ending prematurely was becoming increasingly real for Karpenkov. He needed to demonstrate the significance of GUBOPiK and his own personal importance. The idea was self-explanatory: to recreate the showy fight against drugs that had once put him on a pedestal.

IT WON'T HOLD WATER

In 2016, the GUBOPiK initiated a large-scale investigation into dealing seeds, a type of drug that Karpenkov had publicly opposed while working in the drug control department. More than 40 people have been arrested on suspicion of selling them in just three years, a previously unheard of figure. However, there is an issue: they could not be prosecuted under criminal law. As already mentioned, this was not permitted by the UN convention.

This did not stop Karpenkov, however, and a criminal case was initiated in the interests of the GUBOPiK. Sources told a Buro journalist that, for the sake of this, the security agencies and the courts have entered into tacit agreements.

A BelPol representative, a former law enforcement officer in Belarus who worked in drug control, confirmed to a Buro journalist that the fight against seed trafficking had been reorganised in coordination between agencies. We modified the approach in expert reviews, among other things. Previously, the number of impurities contained in contaminated poppy was calculated separately. Still, now, the entire volume of poppy was considered a drug. This allowed investigators to bring criminal cases against the seed dealers.

They initially had several cases but then merged them into a single one. The reasoning was that all of the defendants were members of the same “criminal organisation”. The ground was the testimony regarding overlapping shipments and shared wholesalers. Several archived cases were also attached to the trial, which resulted in the reopening of the cases and the re-detention of the defendants. They have also been named as members of a “criminal organisation”. A lawyer representing one of the individuals involved told Buro that the investigation was attempting to compile a high-profile case.

It was popularly called the "poppy" case. Upon scrutinising its files, we found that most of the defendants worked in small, separate groups and traded in retail. They did not know each other. They did share some wholesalers, but they also worked with different suppliers. It's like accusing everyone who buys bread from the same shop of colluding. The connection between the defendants in the "poppy case" was more logistical than organisational. Their unity was not based on hierarchy but on their shared interest in products offered at favourable prices and through convenient distribution channels.

We wanted to discuss the inconsistencies in the "poppy case" with its lead investigator, Ihar Prakharenkau. However, when a Buro journalist asked him a question, he ended the call.

As our investigation revealed, the investigator assigned to the "poppy case" was not chosen at random.

Prakharenkau had indeed cooperated with GUBOPiK before the "poppy case". He led the investigation into the "seventeen dealers case", for example, which was another high-profile drug case.

Thus, under Karpenkov's leadership and with the assistance of a "friendly" investigator, the law enforcement officers were able to build a large-scale case involving poppy seeds. Dozens of people were criminally charged with what was really administrative violations, contrary to Belarusian legislation and the UN Convention, following an agreement between law enforcement agencies and courts. All for the sake of a high-profile trial, which could boost Karpenkov's profile and improve his strained relationships with his colleagues. The public attention played into the hands of not only the GUBOPiK but also others involved, such as the Investigative Committee and the Prosecutor General's Office.

As with the protesters in 2020, the defendants in the "poppy case" were also victims of Karpenkov's ambitions. The only thing he failed to take into account was that, during interrogation, the drug dealers began to reveal how they had been "covered" by law enforcement agencies for years.

In this piece, we will name some police officers who were repeatedly mentioned in the various defendants' testimonies.

FRIENDS FROM THE POLICE

Minsk, Serabranka estate. A year before the "poppy case" is spun. A car pulls up outside the Gippo shopping centre. The driver is Andrei Krysiuk. He has been involved in a particular business for several years. Aliaksandr Tabolin, his "business partner", is sitting in the passenger seat. By then, he had three prior convictions.

Tabolin and Krysiuk enter the shopping mall and go up to the second floor, where they find a pizzeria. Three men are waiting for them. Krysiuk knows one of them as "Sobol". This is the nickname of Ihar Sabaleuski, a criminal mastermind. He is also involved in the same "business" as Krysiuk and Tabolin. The men next to him introduce themselves as Anatol and Aliaksei.

The conversation lasts about ten minutes. Krysiuk does not hear the details of the meeting, nor does he question Tabolin about them afterwards. After all, his role in the "business" is small, so he doesn't need to know that. However, he still has one question: what were the police officers doing at the meeting? Tabolin responds that they are "friends" who "deal with issues" related to the "business" as they arise.

What exactly they help with, Krysiuk doesn't ask. It's understandable, given the specifics of the "business". Krysiuk and Tabolin are dealing drugs – specifically, poppy seeds.

A.K.A. IVANYCH

We found details of this meeting in the "poppy case" files. During questioning, four defendants claimed that they had worked with a retired lieutenant colonel investigator. It was the Anatol present at the meeting at the pizzeria. His last name is Mazulenia.

He served in the police force for 13 years. According to CyberPartisans data, he served as a criminal investigator for high-profile cases at the Ministry of Interior, retiring at his own request in 2007.

However, Mazulenia still had connections in the security agencies. He used them to provide "protection" for the drug dealers who were detained in the "poppy case". This follows from their testimony. One dealer even revealed how much Mazulenia's services cost: around $350,000 for six and a half years of "work". Mazulenia gave the bulk of this money to law enforcers to provide "assistance" to drug traffickers.

Mazulenia’s role was not limited to that of a liaison. One of the defendants claimed that the lieutenant colonel had also assisted with the import of seeds to Belarus and their clearance through customs at the border. He is said to have received a dollar for each kilogram of such imports. This way, Mazulenia earned at least another $20,000.

The defendants' confessions also reveal that, with Mazulenia's assistance, they "eliminated" competitors from the market. They identified locations where other traffickers were storing and selling poppy seeds and shared this information with Mazulenia. He would report them to the police officers he knew, who would then conduct raids on dealers. A former colleague of Mazulenia's, who was questioned as a witness in the "poppy case", also confirmed one of such episodes.

In 2013, Mazulenia informed him of a warehouse full of seeds in one of Minsk's estates. The specified location was searched, and 20 tonnes of drugs were found.

Another, albeit indirect, piece of evidence confirms Mazulenia's links with the defendants in the "poppy case". In criminal circles, people involved in the seed business were known by their nicknames, such as Sobol, Ded and Zabar. Mazulenia also had a nickname: "Ivanych", derived from his patronymic. The detainees reported this during their interrogation.

The investigation led to the detention and interrogation of retired Lieutenant Colonel Anatol Mazulenia. Although he denied any involvement, he did admit to having been friends with Ihar Sabaleuski, the central figure in the "poppy case", for over 20 years. Ivanych was then released without charge. He was never brought to trial.

The investigation clearly gave Mazulenia special treatment. He was held in the temporary detention facility for three days. In contrast, other suspects were kept in custody for years, with their remand times being repeatedly extended.

Another detail that highlights the bias of law enforcers is that Mazulenia was the only detainee whose phone was not monitored during the investigation. This is evidenced by two sources: the criminal case files, which contain no transcripts of his conversations, and CyberPartisan's data on wiretaps.

Buro called Anatol Mazulenia to ask why he had not been charged in connection with the "poppy case". The questions from the Buro journalists caused the former investigator to become hysterical.

From the outset of the first conversation, Anatol began to threaten our journalist.

We tried to contact the retired lieutenant colonel again, but the conversation did not go well this time either. Mazulenia insulted our journalist:

According to CyberPartisans, Anatol Mazulenia was the head of security at a grocery store in Minsk in 2020. This is his last known place of employment. Ivanych was also involved in business. From 2013 to 2017, he was a co-owner of a disreputable electronics repair firm.

People complained on forums that hapless repairmen would accept equipment for repair but not return it. One defrauded client approached the police, but his case was rejected. Instead, they arranged a meeting for the client with Mazulenia and the other founders of the firm. According to his post on Onliner, after that conversation, the man "lost faith in humanity as well as in 'law enforcement' agencies". The phone he left for repair was never returned to him.

PREMATURE RETIREMENT

Let's go back to 2015, to a meeting at a pizza place at the Serabranka estate. We are already familiar with Anatol '"Ivanych" Mazulenia, a former policeman who participated in the meeting. The identity of the second figure, a serving officer at the time, is yet to be revealed.

He introduced himself as Aliaksei at the meeting. Two defendants in the "poppy case" referred to the same name when talking about their connections with law enforcement. They also mentioned the surname Makuryn.

At the time of the Serabranka meeting in 2015, he was the Deputy Head of the Interior Ministry's Department for Drug Control and Combating Human Trafficking. He occupied the same position at the time when the "poppy case" investigation was initiated. This was the pinnacle of his career within the system.

Makuryn retired in May 2017, shortly before the first interrogations in the "poppy case". Officially, this was due to a medical condition. However, in a conversation with Buro, BYPOL head Aliaksandr Azarau gave a different reason for his dismissal.

Indeed, Makuryn retired during the investigation. His name was then mentioned in the defendants' depositions shortly after he had resigned.

For instance, one of the drug traffickers admitted that he had been Makuryn's informant for years. This alliance was a fruitful one. For example, in 2016, he informed Makuryn of the whereabouts of the hashish and amphetamine sellers, and the latter received a bonus thanks to this information.

However, what is interesting about Makuryn's case is not his work with the informant but how it was arranged. Makuryn only reacted to certain information from his source. It made even the drug dealer himself suspicious.

During his interview with investigators, he stated that he had contacted Makuryn as soon as he was offered the opportunity to deal in seeds in 2015. Makuryn's refusal to work in this direction came as a surprise to him. The officer replied that he was “not interested” as there was no criminal liability for poppies. However, he asked to be "kept informed" in case the law changed.

Another defendant in the "poppy case" shed light on this situation. When questioned, he stated that Mazulenia had met with Makuryn in 2015, after which they had agreed to "cooperate". Makuryn was allegedly given some of the money Ivanych received from drug dealers by him.

The pizzeria meetup, as described by the two defendants in the "poppy case", confirms that Makuryn and Mazulenia knew each other and met with drug dealers.

There is no record of Makuryn's testimony in the "poppy case" files: no explanatory reports, no interrogations and no confrontations with the accused. To find out the reason for this, a Buro journalist contacted him by phone.

DRUG CONTROL PARTNERS

The defendants in the "poppy case" testified against two more drug control officers. They sometimes worked in tandem; together, they responded to calls, conducted searches, and apprehended suspects.

The first one's name is Dzianis Valiantovich.

He initially worked at the Zhodzina City Police Department before moving to the GUBOPiK. In 2015, he was appointed senior criminal investigator for high-profile drug control cases. It was the same position he had held during the investigation into the "poppy case".

Valiantovich was mentioned by two defendants in their testimony. One said that the policeman had met and called the drug dealers on several occasions. They "spoke as equals, understanding each other perfectly".

During these conversations, Valentovich allegedly offered drug dealers the opportunity to testify against their competitors. He promised not to interfere with their drug trade, to close administrative cases that had already been started, and to release those who had been detained. The policeman then began to discuss how he could participate in the "poppy sales" himself.

His accomplice led these negotiations. How they ended, he could not say. However, the man who gave this testimony later allegedly saw Valiantovich's name on a list of people paid by drug traffickers for "protection".

Another defendant's testimony suggests that Valiantovich was aware of the locations of the seed warehouses. Rather than raiding the warehouses promptly and thoroughly, however, he selectively "covered" for them, only raiding sales points when he "needed seizure reports" – in other words, he improved his statistics in this way.

Valiantovich allegedly told the drug dealer about it himself during their meeting after another seizure. At the meeting, he also "advised" the dealer to stop dealing with poppy. The latter claimed to have recounted the contents of this conversation to Ivanych. Ivanych replied that Valiantovich was "clearing the territory" for their competitors – namely, other seed traders whom he was "protecting".

The police did not question Valiantovich about the facts of this testimony. According to CyberPartisans, he continued to work for security agencies after the "poppy case" was over.

A Buro journalist contacted Dzianis Valiantovich by phone, but he refused to answer our questions.

Valiantovich's colleague, also mentioned in the defendants' testimony, is Pavel Chachotka.

He joined the police force in the late '90s. He worked in the Criminal Investigation Department of several police stations in Minsk before starting to investigate drug crimes.

Two defendants in the "poppy case" testified against Chachotka. It was said by one person that both he and Valiantovich had expressed a desire to take part in "poppy sales". He had engaged in negotiations with drug dealers. Another alleged that Chachotka "facilitated" the trade in illegal substances and received money for it.

The investigators were not interested in such testimony. They did not question the drug dealers about the details, nor did they conduct a check against Chachotka. A Buro journalist called him to ask why this had happened.

At the time, we suspected that our interviewee might have been working with undercover drug traffickers. That would explain why there were no investigations against him and the other enforcers. But Pavel Chachotka denied this version. He also mentioned that he continues to work for the police.

SELECTIVE INSPECTION

Natallia Karaliova was less fortunate than her colleagues. In 2018, she was summoned for questioning while working as a senior investigator at the Kastrychnitski District Department of the Investigative Committee.

The reason was the statement given by one of the defendants. He claimed that his accomplice was romantically involved with Natallia. She was reportedly present when the seeds were packed at her lover's rented apartment. The man repeated this testimony at the confrontation with the accomplice. The latter denied it.

Natallia also denied the accusations. When questioned, she claimed that she was not familiar with any of the "poppy case" defendants, except for one whom she had questioned as a victim in another case several years ago.

At the same time, Karaliova said that she had repeatedly seen this man in the smoking room at the Kastrychnitski Police Department in the company of operative officer Yury Holubeu.

No charges have been filed against Natallia. However, she was at least formally vetted – the only one of the enforcers who was. The testimony of one defendant was sufficient for conducting a check. Although they appeared in the stories of several people, the others remained beyond suspicion. This further confirms that the investigation has been inconsistent.

Our journalist called Natallia's registered number. The woman who answered the phone introduced herself as Natallia Karaliova. However, when she heard about the "poppy case", she claimed that we had the wrong number and refused to answer any questions.

THE KASTRYCHNITSKI POLICE DEPARTMENT SMOKING AREA

During the interrogation, Investigator Karaliova mentioned Yury Holubeu, who works for the Kastrychnitski Police Department.

One of the defendants in the "poppy case" provided a similar account. He claimed that Holubeu "cooperated" with drug traffickers in exchange for money and gifts. The Internal Affairs Bureau became aware of these contacts in 2016, and as a result, they were stopped.

The subject matter of this testimony was not investigated in any way. Furthermore, he was promoted despite accusations of ties to the drug trade. In 2018, he was appointed senior criminal investigator for high-profile cases in the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs. According to CyberPartisans, he held the position until at least 2021.

A Buro journalist contacted Yury Holubeu by phone, but he refused to answer our questions.

POPPY ACCOUNTING

Buro also identified discrepancies in the investigators' calculations of the profits made by drug traffickers.

It is noteworthy that even before the adoption of the "anti-poppy decree" in 2013, Nikolai Karpenkov discussed the situation with seeds in Belarus in an interview with SB. He touched on the financial side of the problem as well:

This is consistent with the statements made by drug traffickers during interrogation, as documented in the case files of the "poppy case". The defendants said they earned thousands of dollars a month and flew their families on vacations abroad. Corroboration of this testimony is found in the defendants' wiretap files.

Drug traffickers also told about expenses – i.e. bribes to police officers for "protection". They stated that total payments from 2011 to 2017 exceeded $475,000. In addition to the law enforcement officers we have already mentioned, the money was also received by employees of the Internal Affairs Bureau, as well as the police departments of the Kastrychnitski, Frunzenski, Savetski, Zavodski and Maskouski Districts of Minsk.

However, this testimony was ignored by the investigators, who did not take it into account when calculating the profits of the drug traffickers. For this reason, their conclusions appear modest. According to the allegations, the defendants earned 268,000 Belarusian rubles (approximately $143,000) over more than three years. That works out at around 7,000 roubles (or $3,700) per person for the entire period, or 170 rubles (or $90) per month. That kind of money won't stretch to a resort.

SECRETS OF THE INVESTIGATION

Why did the investigation overlook the numerous testimonies about enforcers from drug dealers? Why don't the case files submitted to the court include any information about bribes? Why do the investigator's conclusions about the profits made by drug traffickers differ so significantly from the figures given by the defendants during interrogation?

Because the testimony about "protection" referred to the period when Karpenkov was in charge of drug control, among other things. If these stories were to come out, they would cast a shadow over him as well. He would have to answer for the corruption that occurred under his watch in his department.

The situation has reached a stalemate. The "poppy case", which Karpenkov had clung to as a lifeline, could finally be his downfall. But a miracle happened.

Prakharenkau, an investigator close to Karpenkov's subordinate at GUBOPiK, did not conduct a background check on the enforcers. He simply ignored the "inconvenient" testimony. A Buro journalist was told by the police officers who had been implicated that no checks had been carried out on them.

There were no inspection reports in the investigation files either. Neither was a separate case severed from the "poppy case". The data from the CyberPartisans project provides evidence of this. We also sent a request to the Internal Affairs Division at the Interior Ministry, asking whether it had verified the defendants' testimony. They replied that the case was not within their competence.

A Buro journalist spoke to former investigators, who noted that such negligence in handling testimony about the "protection" was not typical of the Central Office of the Investigative Committee, which was responsible for the case. This testimony should have been verified.

Since it didn't happen, there must have been a reason. To find out about it, Buro sent official requests to the Investigative Committee and the Prosecutor General's Office. The agencies declined to comment.

Perhaps the allegations against the enforcers were not taken seriously. This would be odd, considering that the investigation was heavily reliant on the confessions of the detainees. They provided valuable insights into the supply chain and the scale of the seed business. The same people spoke about the 'protection', but the investigators were not interested in such testimony.

A paradoxical picture emerges: a person confesses to their crimes and is listened to; they discuss their connections with the police, but these are disregarded.

Buro believes that, given all the circumstances, another option seems likely. The investigation deliberately ignored the testimony against the law enforcers to avoid damaging the reputations of Karpenkov and the GUBOPiK. This version is supported by the fact that the activities of the "criminal organisation" began in 2015, which was when Karpenkov was no longer involved in drug control. This is despite the defendants having previously admitted their involvement in the sale of seeds.

One more detail in the "poppy case" files could have seriously harmed Karpenkov, but the investigation overlooked it. During interrogation, one of the accused claimed that Karpenkov had also received money from drug traffickers — he was at the top of the "protection" payment distribution pyramid. He allegedly received a total of $110,000 in bribes.

Karpenkov was not investigated over this testimony. There was indeed only one piece of evidence against him. Still, in the case of investigator Karaliova, that was enough to summon her for questioning.

A Buro journalist called Nikolai Karpenkov to get his comment on the "poppy case". He retorted with a shout:

IN THE PURSUIT OF POWER

At first glance, Nikolai Karpenkov's career seems exemplary. After spending many years in the system, he was repeatedly promoted and awarded various honorary positions. However, if you look closely, you will see that all of this is the result of the manipulation of ordinary people.

As head of drug control, Karpenkov failed to address the real threat, instead earning points by pushing through a spectacular yet ultimately ineffective decree. Meanwhile, corruption was flourishing under his nose. According to numerous testimonies, his subordinates were involved in covering up the drug trade. It is possible that Karpenkov himself was involved.

After moving to the GUBOPiK, he found himself at the centre of a power struggle — and chose to play dirty. Ignoring both Belarusian legislation and international treaties, Karpenkov initiated a criminal case in the hope of impressing his superiors. The unpleasant details that came to light during the process were buried in the archives by his "pet" investigator. This ostensible process affected 29 people. Some of them are still behind bars.

However, this is not an isolated instance of lawlessness; it is a working principle that Karpenkov established within the GUBOPiK. Under his leadership, the division that was once considered elite has become a conveyor belt of falsification. They were so blatant that they outraged even Lukashenko. In the summer of 2019, he lashed out at the GUBOPiK with criticism:

Despite his best efforts, Karpenkov's career was still hanging by a thread after the "poppy case". There seemed to be no more room to manoeuvre. However, the unforeseen happened in 2020: protests broke out in Belarus, and the regime urgently required "brainless people" willing to commit any act of cruelty. Karpenkov found himself in the lead. Having drowned the streets of Minsk in violence and blood, he finally got what he wanted – power.