Karpiankou’s “New Belarus”
Authors
“In the club we are practising, learning... We recently had a rock-climbing wall built. We are learning to defend the Motherland”, said Nina Labanava, a member of the military-patriotic club Rys (Lynx), in an interview with a state channel in 2022.
Her club is affiliated with Military Unit 3214, which is part of the Special Forces of the Interior Ministry’s Internal Troops. This unit reports directly to Mikalai Karpiankou, the current Deputy Head of the Interior Ministry.
In 2024, this and other patriotic clubs of the Interior Ministry’s internal troops united under the umbrella of the Molodaya Gvardiya Foundation, the creation of which was initiated by Karpiankou.
“The establishment of the Foundation provides an opportunity to raise funds for the development of the military-patriotic movement, as well as to support those in need. We have created this Foundation to bring together all military-patriotic clubs, organisations and structures, as well as famous people, politicians and businessmen, to promote military-patriotic education”.
Out in the open, Karpiankou makes a big show of his good intentions. However, Buro discovered what the Deputy Interior Minister’s Foundation was really hiding. The Foundation’s budget is spent on improving the welfare of the wives of Belarusian law enforcers under the guise of “patriotic” and “spiritual and moral” education.
Which of Karpiankou’s relatives is employed at the Molodaya Gvardiya charitable foundation, how is the foundation linked to Belarusian authorities and the ideological system, and what lessons are children taught there? Our investigation uncovers the answers.
MILITARY-PATRIOTIC FOUNDATION
Military-patriotic clubs emerged under the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ internal troops units in 2021. Mikalai Karpiankou is the person behind this project, and he has been working on it consistently ever since it was initiated. However, clubs alone were not enough. A foundation was needed to accumulate money and unite the disparate sections.
So in May 2024, the Molodaya Gvardiya Foundation appeared. It positions itself as the “umbrella operator” of the internal troops club network: coordinating events, communicating with donors, dealing with purchases and providing targeted assistance to units hosting the clubs.
“We are the descendants of the victors in the Great Patriotic War. The children standing in formation are their great-grandchildren. By giving the Foundation such a name [the Young Guard – trans. note], we are taking on a great responsibility and truly preserving historical memory and truth. Following in the footsteps of our ancestors, the boys and girls of Molodaya Gvardiya, the servicemen and club members are ready to defend the Motherland”, said Mikalai Karpiankou at the opening of the Foundation.
Mikalai Karpiankou attended the opening ceremony together with his deputy, Siarhei Hrabennikau; the first deputy chairwoman of the Minsk City Executive Committee, Nadzeya Lazarevich; the chairman of Belteleradiocompany, Ivan Eismant; the head of the public security sector of the State Secretariat of the Security Council, Ihar Taperkin; and unnamed representatives of business and the media. The press release announcing the launch of the Foundation also mentions Alexander Zaitsev. A businessman close to Lukashenko’s family shares his name. However, we were unable to find any evidence that confirmed his identity.
Molodaya Gvardiya Foundation launch event, May 2024. Source: https://t.me/vvmvdrb
PEOPLE BEHIND THE “YOUNG GUARD”
Ala Verush, an associate professor at the Presidential Academy of Management, initially headed the Foundation. Her academic interests have centred on combating drugs and extremism since the early 2010s. She regularly spoke at events alongside law enforcement officials, presenting herself in publications as a supporter of “traditional values”, a critic of anarchism, and someone who fights against “extremism” among young people.
Mikalai Karpiankou (left) and Ala Verush (right). Source: https://t.me/vvmvdrb
But Verush did not last long in her new post. As early as October 2024, she was replaced by Siarhei Hrabennikau, an internal troops officer and deputy to Mikalai Karpiankou. Shortly after his appointment, he retired from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to take over the Foundation. This is how the newly appointed director spoke about educating the next generation:
“Tomorrow they will come to the polling stations and must make their own personal choice. They should do so consciously, rather than following the dictates of an extremist Telegram channel. Now, more than ever, civic and patriotic education is crucial, as is young people’s support for the head of state and for the course of development chosen by the Republic of Belarus. After all, it is President Lukashenko who today stands as the guarantor of our country’s security. Young people must understand that Western values will turn them into slaves and serfs”.
Neither the Interior Ministry nor Karpiankou himself became the co-founders of the Foundation. The fund has one founder, according to the documents filed with the Minsk City Executive Committee. The Foundation’s Telegram channel states that its founder is the Belarusian Society Znanie, which propagandist Vadzim Hihin now heads.
Vadzim Hihin is an ideologist of “traditional values”. He believes that the state should educate the youth according to these values – through unity marathons, patriotic programs, and military-patriotic clubs. Addressing the club members, Vadzim Hihin said that they are “one of the symbols of the new Belarus”.
“Of the Belarus which is moving forward with confidence. You have joined a great movement which – and this is a good thing – will make you grow up sooner. You have taken a step that not everyone in your peer group would dare to take. You are strong, capable, and patriots of our country”.
Essentially, Molodaya Gvardiya and the network of military-patriotic clubs represent Mikalai Karpiankou, Vadzim Hihin and their associates’ interpretation of the “new Belarus”.
Since its launch, the Foundation has become part of the state ideology, promoting its own set of values for the “new Belarus”: “traditional values”, “memory of ancestors” and “patriotic education”. According to this logic, members of such clubs are “one of the symbols of the new Belarus”.
LOOKING AFTER YOUR OWN
The Foundation has a small team of just eight people. There is a director, an advisor on military-patriotic education, a PR specialist and three specialists in the military-industrial complex, as well as two marketing specialists.
Thanks to CyberPartisans, we discovered the identities of the Foundation’s employees.
The main finding is that Karpiankou’s daughter-in-law worked as a marketing specialist at the Molodaya Gvardiya Foundation in 2024. Aksana Karpiankova is the wife of Ihar Karpiankou, who is the son of the current Deputy Head of the Ministry of the Interior. She was hired in September 2024 and had no prior experience in patriotic education or working with young people.
There is more to this “star cast”. At various times, the Foundation’s staff has included wives of current law enforcers, including Karpiankou’s former colleagues in GUBOPiK [anti-extremism police unit – trans. note], which he headed before his appointment as deputy minister.
Darya Arlouskaya is a doctor who joined the Foundation in May 2024. She is the wife of Viachaslau Arlouski, who, as head of the State Department for Combating Organised Crime in 2021, proposed revoking the citizenship of Belarusians who oppose Lukashenko’s regime.
Volha Bushyla, the wife of another ex-colleague of Karpiankou’s, is herself an officer of the Ministry of the Interior. She served in the Main Department of Internal Affairs of the Minsk City Executive Committee and the Leninski District Citizenship and Migration Department. She is the wife of GUBOPiK officer Ihar Bushyla, who, according to reports on protest Telegram channels, was involved in persecuting political opponents of the Lukashenko regime.
Hanna Shyh graduated from Brest State University and has worked in a kindergarten and at Minsk Pedagogical University. She has been with Molodaya Gvardiya since July 2024. The woman’s spouse is Ruslan Shyh, who is the platoon commander of the 3214 military unit.
Lieutenant Alina Shayunova is a world-class athlete in the hammer throw. She is married to Yury Shayunou, a track and field athlete and lieutenant of the Internal Service, who is also a member of the Sports Team of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Lizaveta Pradukha was born in 2006 and joined the Foundation in July 2024. Her father is Lieutenant Colonel Mikhail Pradukha, the deputy military commander and head of the mobilisation department.
Alena Daniluk-Neumiarzhytskaya holds the rank of major in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. She serves with the Special Forces of the Internal Troops (Military Unit 3214). She has won multiple medals in shooting and multiathlon. Alena participated in the Interior Ministry’s national team at the SWAT Challenge in Dubai, as well as in the Olympic team.
The staff also included former female members of military patriotic clubs. Darya Viarheichyk, for example, was a member of the Otvaga (Valour) military patriotic club, which was modelled on a special forces unit called Rys. She is now employed by the Foundation, as well as by the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ special forces in military unit 3214. This is how she explained her reasons for joining the club:
“When the Otvaga club opened at military unit 5529, I joined its ranks without hesitation. Now my favourite activities are drill training, as well as assembling and disassembling weapons. I plan to enter the Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the skills I’m gaining at the club will make it easier for me to study firearms, drill, and physical training. I’ll already be familiar with all of this, so it won’t be too difficult for me. And my improved physical fitness will help me successfully meet the admission standards and better cope with the exercise load”.
As we can see, the wives of Mikalai Karpiankou’s current and former colleagues, as well as active law enforcement officers from his subordinate units, are living off the charitable Foundation’s money. In addition, the Foundation is recruiting a “young generation” from those who have already completed training at military-patriotic clubs – individuals who are prepared and loyal from the outset.
SHADY FINANCES
What is the cost of staffing? The annual report for the Main Department of Justice of the Minsk City Executive Committee states that the monthly salary of all foundation employees is 20,126 Belarusian rubles. In 2024, staff costs amounted to 308,899 Belarusian rubles, accounting for 42% of the Foundation’s total expenditure.
Most of the employees are officially employed on a half-time basis. And what about salaries? For example, the Foundation’s director receives 3,493 Belarusian rubles per month for his part-time position. If he were receiving a full salary, which would amount to 6,986 rubles, it would be two and a half times higher than the country’s average nominal wage. The others have salaries ranging from 2,315 to 2,674 rubles.
We examined reports filed with the Justice Ministry and documents submitted to tax authorities, identifying several anomalies.
In 2024, the Foundation’s primary source of funding was sponsor aid, amounting to 1,014,103 rubles. The accounts held 282,000 rubles at the close of the year. Total expenditure amounted to 724,065 rubles.
Where did the money go? Key expenditure items:
If we add “salaries and taxes” to the independent contractor agreements, it turns out that more than 60% of the expenses went to staff and contractors. Around a quarter (26.6%) of the budget is allocated to “assistance to military units”. A mere 4% of all expenditures go towards supporting large families, sporting events, education and health improvement.
Given these figures, it is legitimate to ask whether the Foundation supports clubs or merely lines the pockets of its employees.
The distribution of funds and the cash flow statement are strange. The “salary” line is blank, but the “other payments” line shows 275,000 rubles, and the “taxes and fees” line shows 33,000. The total is around 308,000, which is almost identical to the “salaries and taxes” figure on the Justice Department form. The reports also raise questions about taxes and earmarked funding.
Buro asked several accountants to review the Foundation’s reports. They noted inconsistencies and discrepancies between the Minsk City Executive Committee’s Justice Department document and the accounting reports for the tax authorities. The experts we interviewed were unable to explain the discrepancies between their findings and the manipulation of the data.
To find the answers to our questions, we contacted Hanna Trusevich, the accountant of the Molodaya Gvardiya Foundation. Although she no longer worked there, she was still able to provide us with information about the Foundation’s finances. “Commercial organisations, not the public purse, provide targeted funding”, she stated. However, Trusevich refused to name the organisations financing the Foundation. The joint BelPol and National Anti-Crisis Management report reveals at least one company that donated money to the foundation – OAO Aleksandriyskoye.
Hanna Trusevich believes that inconsistencies and discrepancies in the reports are due to “a technical failure in data loading and can only be corrected in the next annual report”.
Siarhei Hrabennikau, Mikalai Karpiankou’s former deputy and director of the Molodaya Gvardiya Foundation, responded to our reporter with profanity.
We sent requests to the Main Department of Justice under the Minsk City Executive Committee, the Ministry of Taxes and Levies, and the State Control Committee, asking them to check these inconsistencies.
Where does the money come from in the first place? Who sponsors Molodaya Gvardiya? These sources are not disclosed in public reports. In 2024, the Foundation signed a cooperation agreement with the State Committee for Standardisation. The following year, it signed a deal with the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus. However, the potential support network may be much wider.
With the help of BelPol, Zerkalo received a “confidential letter” sent by Mikalai Karpiankou to the Minister of Industry, Aliaksandr Yafimau. He describes the activities of the Foundation and asks for sponsorship assistance “on a regular basis”.
Karpiankou does not specify the amount, but suggests that the minister should decide which enterprises should make payments. He also states that this issue has already been “preliminarily agreed upon” with Andrei Buinevich, the director of OAO Integral.
In other words, the fund may exist at the expense of Belarusian state-owned enterprises. However, private donors are not excluded. After all, unnamed “business representatives” were present at the launch of the Foundation.
PROPAGANDA CHARGE
Buro looked into what the wives of security officers actually do to earn their salaries at Karpiankou’s charitable Foundation.
The annual report of the Main Justice Department under the Minsk City Executive Committee includes mass actions, summer camps at military unit bases, partnerships with state institutions and law enforcement agencies, and participation in political activities.
Practical training for members of the military-patriotic club Sokol (Falcon). Source: https://t.me/vpkvvrb
In 2024, 71 events were held, as reported to the Minsk City Executive Committee. The picture looks impressive – continuous “patriotic” activity.
The topics ranged from “Lessons in Courage” and school activities to camps at military units, Ministry of Internal Affairs reviews and competitions, trips to memorials and museums, and visits to industrial enterprises. A significant share of the activities involved collaboration with law enforcement: masterclasses and visits to district police departments (“Let’s Serve Together”), Action Air competitions with the Belarusian Physical Culture and Sports Society Dynamo, “Become a Soldier for Two Days” camps, and other field training and military-applied events.
The military-patriotic club’s members pass the combined test “Ready for Special Forces”. Source: https://t.me/vpkvvrb
Children and teenagers are being drawn into militarisation, which involves training, handling weapons and being subjected to mandatory ideological indoctrination. Uladzislau Stsetsiukevich, a member of the military-patriotic club Granit (Granite), describes everyday life in the club as follows:
“Here, they teach everything you need – first, medical care; second, hand-to-hand combat. Discipline comes first – how to behave, how to speak to those of higher rank, and how to communicate with people in general”.
Mikalai Karpiankou also remarks that members of the military-patriotic clubs are given “the right guidance”.
“Our children are motivated; they know what is good and what is bad. They have the right guidance. And parents can see that their children won’t stray from these values and will be well protected in the future from other, more serious threats”.
The Belarusian Orthodox Church is also present in clubs, with a “Church and Army” procession, meetings with hierarchs and visits to the All Saints Church-Monument. This is presented as “spiritual and moral education” and nurturing of “historical memory”.
The “Church and Army” procession. Source: brest.mchs.gov.by
Connections with Russia are also evident. Events held included a “meeting between the children of police officers and Rosgvardiya of St. Petersburg” and members of the military-patriotic clubs, as part of the “Forever Alive” initiative. Russian teams also participated in the Belarusian “Action Air” event, which took place among members from military-patriotic clubs. Interregional contacts were established with the Nizhny Novgorod region, familiarising visitors with the work of the Foundation and the Rys military-patriotic club based at Military Unit 3214.
In August 2025, cooperation reached a new level when a team from the Brest Region took part in the Gvardeets Young Army training camp in the Volga Federal District for the first time. Both the governor of the Penza Region and the official Telegram channel of the Belarusian Ministry of Internal Affairs’ internal troops publicly thanked Aleksandr Lukashenko for this opportunity.
The vice-governor of the Penza region, Sergei Fedotov (left), and the commander of the internal troops, Major General Mikalai Karpiankou (right), agreed to cooperate in military and patriotic education for young people. Source: https://t.me/vpkvvrb
The “Unity Marathon” also involved the participation of military-patriotic club members – the very event that campaigned for Aleksandr Lukashenko ahead of the 2025 “presidential election”. Buro previously reported that Hanna, Lukashenko’s daughter-in-law, organised the marathon. The official channel of the Interior Ministry’s Internal Troops has published reports detailing the involvement of units and military-patriotic club members in marathon events.
Members of the military-patriotic club Granit also participated in the “Symbol of Unity” project, exchanging the regional flags on Dzyarzhynskaya Hill on the eve of 17 September. The children acted as “honorary participants” in the ceremony.
KARPIANKOU’S “NEW BELARUS”
In essence, the Molodaya Gvardiya Foundation and its associated clubs embody Mikalai Karpiankou’s vision of a “New Belarus”. A paramilitary society that is characterised by the alliance of church and law enforcers, “traditional values” and subordination. Members of military-patriotic clubs are seen as symbols of Karpiankou’s “New Belarus”.
Beneath the façade of “patriotic” and “spiritual and moral education” lies the militarisation of teenagers through military rituals, drills, regular visits to internal affairs and military units, church processions, field training and propaganda activities.
But personal interest was also involved. The charitable Foundation employs Mikalai Karpiankou’s daughter-in-law, the wives of active law enforcers (including Karpiankou’s former GUBOPiK colleagues), and Ministry of Internal Affairs officers. Then there is the “young generation”, who are already prepared thanks to their upbringing in military-patriotic clubs.
The financial reality behind the rhetoric of “support for military-patriotic clubs” is that over 60% of expenditure is spent on employees and independent contractor agreements, with only around a quarter going towards “assistance to military units”. Very little is left for the Foundation’s direct activities.
So it turns out that the Foundation primarily serves its own staff, rather than the clubs for which it was initially established?